Borjas has suggested taxing the high-tech, agricultural, and service-sector companies that profit from cheap immigrant labor and using the money to compensate those Americans who are displaced by it.
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Unfortunately, while admitting poor immigrants makes redistributing wealth more necessary, it also makes it harder, at least in the short term. By some estimates, immigrants, who are poorer on average than native-born Americans and have larger families, receive more in government services than they pay in taxes. According to the National Academies report, immigrant-headed families with children are 15 percentage points more likely to rely on food assistance, and 12 points more likely to rely on Medicaid, than other families with children. In the long term, the United States will likely recoup much if not all of the money it spends on educating and caring for the children of immigrants.
But in the meantime, these costs strain the very welfare state that liberals want to expand in order to help those native-born Americans with whom immigrants compete. Trump appears to sense this. His implicit message during the campaign was that if the government kept out Mexicans and Muslims, white, Christian Americans would not only grow richer and safer, they would also regain the sense of community that they identified with a bygone age.
To promote both mass immigration and greater economic redistribution, they must convince more native-born white Americans that immigrants will not weaken the bonds of national identity. This means dusting off a concept many on the left currently hate: Promoting assimilation need not mean expecting immigrants to abandon their culture.
But it does mean breaking down the barriers that segregate them from the native-born. Louis, examined the factors that influence how native-born whites view immigrants. They know Americans will be more reluctant to support government programs if they believe those programs to be benefiting people who have entered the country illegally. Liberal immigration policy must work to ensure that immigrants do not occupy a separate legal caste.
This means opposing the guest-worker programs—beloved by many Democrat-friendly tech companies, among other employers—that require immigrants to work in a particular job to remain in the U. Some scholars believe such programs drive down wages; they certainly inhibit assimilation. For liberals, the easy part of fulfilling that pledge is supporting a path to citizenship for the undocumented who have put down roots in the United States.
Enforcement need not mean tearing apart families, as Trump is doing with gusto. Liberals can propose that the government deal harshly not with the undocumented themselves but with their employers. But making sure companies follow the law and verify the legal status of their employees would curtail it too: Migrants would presumably be less likely to come to the U.
During the campaign, Clinton proposed increasing funding for adult English-language education. But she rarely talked about it. If more immigrants speak English fluently, native-born whites may well feel a stronger connection to them, and be more likely to support government policies that help them.
Promoting English will also give Democrats a greater chance of attracting those native-born whites who consider growing diversity a threat. The next Democratic presidential nominee should commit those words to memory. Americans know that liberals celebrate diversity. What if she had challenged elite universities to celebrate not merely multiculturalism and globalization but Americanness? What if she had said more boldly that the slowing rate of English-language acquisition was a problem she was determined to solve? What if she had acknowledged the challenges that mass immigration brings, and then insisted that Americans could overcome those challenges by focusing not on what makes them different but on what makes them the same?
An evocative short film illustrates an all-too-common experience: The president steps over bright ethical and moral lines wherever he encounters them. Everyone in America saw it when he fired my boss. But I saw it firsthand time and time again.
'Corrupt' donations row engulfs Liberal candidates and threatens re-election campaign
O n Wednesday, May 10, , my first full day on the job as acting director of the FBI, I sat down with senior staff involved in the Russia case—the investigation into alleged ties between the Trump campaign and the Russian government. As the meeting began, my secretary relayed a message that the White House was calling. The president himself was on the line. I had spoken with him the night before, in the Oval Office, when he told me he had fired James Comey.
A call like this was highly unusual. Presidents do not, typically, call FBI directors. There should be no direct contact between the president and the director, except for national-security purposes. The reason is simple. Investigations and prosecutions need to be pursued without a hint of suspicion that someone who wields power has put a thumb on the scale. Meanwhile, the Democratic-led House committee is gearing up for a reinvigorated inquiry.
The choice was unusual, but loving: We wanted them to live without the shadow of their mother's mortality hanging over them. Below the line voting uses optional preferential voting, and voters who vote below the line must number at least five preferences. On 17 October , the Electoral Boundaries Commission of Victoria released the final electoral boundaries for Victoria that would apply at the State election, scheduled for 29 November Fifteen of the 88 electoral districts were technically replaced in the redistribution—but ten were effectively only name changes, leaving five seats that were abolished and replaced with new seats.
One Liberal seat, Doncaster, was abolished in Melbourne's east and two National seats in country Victoria Rodney and Swan Hill were abolished and replaced with one new notionally Nationals seat of Murray Plains. Two notionally Labor-held seats, Sunbury and Werribee, were created in Melbourne's western suburbs. Major boundary changes also resulted in five previously Labor-held seats Bellarine, Monbulk, Ripon, Yan Yean, and Wendouree, which was renamed from Ballarat West becoming notionally Liberal-held.
In terms of swing, under the old boundaries Labor needed a uniform swing of 1. This is despite the fact that Labor lost a net five seats in the redistribution, as the redistribution increased the number of marginal Liberal seats. The fraught electoral situation in Victoria was a legacy of the narrow Coalition win in the November election. Crikey election analyst William Bowe stated of the Coalition:.
By , the controversy involving Liberal-turned-independent MP for Frankston Geoff Shaw had become a major issue within the Parliament, leading to the resignation of Ted Baillieu as party leader and Premier, and his replacement by Denis Napthine. Later, Smith declared that he would vote with Labor on any motion to find Shaw in contempt of the Parliament.
In response, Shaw declared he would vote with Labor on any no-confidence motion in the Napthine government. On 11 June , the Victorian Parliament voted to suspend, not expel, Shaw from sitting in Parliament until September. This was due to misuse of entitlements—Shaw had been using his parliamentary car to pursue business activities. If a much more serious breach was found in future, what higher penalty would be left for parliament to impose? Napthine has a profound responsibility to demonstrate that he respects the parliament, and to pause and reflect on the punishment for comments about the apology before leaping to another highly questionable expulsion.
Then the speaker said: Even putting aside the controversy surrounding Shaw, the margin for the southern Melbourne seat was reduced to 0. Law and order issues were an early pre-campaign topic, with the Government announcing tougher sentences for attacks on police and emergency workers. The controversial Voluntary Euthanasia Party, led by Dr Phillip Nitschke, planned to contest all upper house seats and some Assembly seats.
As political editor for The Age , Michael Gordon, put it:.
What really goes on inside the City of London?
Based on preferences at the last election, the poll had Labor in front on two-party terms, Based on how those polled said they would allocate preferences, it was even more dire for the Liberals: Public transport will be the first casualty of Minister Guy's go-ahead for East-West, as the tollway will be a disastrous drain on the public purse If the Napthine Government cared what people think, it would defer signing contracts until after an assessment of the revised design's full impact.
Labor must now commit to tearing up any contracts if they win majority government in November. The Victorian Government said it intended to sign all the relevant contracts before the election. On 9 September , an adviser to groups opposed to the project, Andrew Herington, claimed that key promises had been broken, namely:. By refusing to have Infrastructure Australia undertake independent assessments of business cases the government is admitting the highly politicised way in which public funds are being allocated.
The issue was pursued in a later debate where Labor attacked the payment of funds without any proof of value for money. Previously the Abbott government had undertaken to the Senate estimates committee that no funds would be paid for either stage of the East West Link until full business cases were provided.
How the Democrats Lost Their Way on Immigration - The Atlantic
The business case for stage 2 of East West Link, now called the Western Section, has not even been written. None of the preliminary steps required to start the planning approvals have commenced for the Western Section, making any construction next year an impossibility.
The only action taken to date has been the appointment of Ernst and Young in late August as business advisers. The northern Victorian country seat of Euroa was created after the redistribution of electoral boundaries in On 7 August the Liberal Party endorsed Tony Schneider as their candidate for the newly-formed country seat, despite claims from the Nationals that doing so would be in breach of a long-standing Coalition agreement between the parties.
Those results, if replicated at the election, would give Labor a seat majority in the Legislative Assembly. The Herald Sun reported that:. Dr Napthine led a chorus of former colleagues praising Mr Baillieu. But privately the decision to walk away three months before the poll was met with widespread anger across the Liberal Party.
Committee for the Abolition of Illegitimate Debt
Former premier Jeff Kennett spoke for many who labelled it a selfish act. With the opinion polls pointing to a Labor victory, the Coalition seemed set to lose as many as 15 seats. Mid-way through September it emerged that an inner-city councillor, Cam Nation—who was also a former Liberal Party candidate and who, as a councillor, had not been a critic of the East West Link—helped register a new micro-party, the No East West Link Party, to oppose the Link.
Labor tacitly opposed the East West road project since its inception, but was conflicted. But what would people in the marginal eastern seats think? Since the election loss, Labor was nervous about misreading their mood.
A frequent target of derision were billboards proclaiming support for various social issues on roads exiting the city. The messages would hardly have resonated with people reading them while stuck in traffic on their way home to the suburbs. They feared accusations about sovereign risk, business confidence and a flight of investors. So Labor had a contradictory policy, opposing the road in theory but supporting it in practice. Nevertheless, Premier Napthine said he would sign the contract for stage one before the caretaker period started.
In the event that the Supreme Court holds that the approval decision made by the Minister for Planning on 30 June is invalid, there is no power to enter into contracts for the Project and any contract entered into will be beyond power and unenforceable. Mr Andrews says an incoming Labor government would not defend the challenge; the presumption is that would increase the likelihood the councils would win, with the knock on effect that any signed contract would consequently be invalid although the government might still be liable to compensate the winning contractor if it cancelled the project.
After the election and change of government the councils indefinitely delayed their legal action. Among the global anti-corruption community, innovative forms of urban planning and design which aim to ensure cities are more responsive to the needs of citizens and make corrupt practices much harder are becoming more prominent. In New York, activists have used large-scale public murals and advertising billboards on the metro to inform residents of their rights in cases of housing eviction or police intimidation, and recently published research in India suggests that workers who display a visible symbol indicating their hostility to corruption are less likely to be asked by colleagues or bosses to engage in malpractice.
But such measures will never be enough in isolation. To really root out corruption in our cities, we will need to fight for a different kind of global economic infrastructure, one that does not allow vast quantities of illicit wealth to be siphoned off from public treasuries and vulnerable citizens, only to disappear into the shadows. And for that, those of us who live in London need to turn our attention closer to home. Read more about the project here. Facebook Twitter Pinterest. Topics Cities Extreme cities. Corruption index and barometer Governance Transparency. Reuse this content. Order by newest oldest recommendations.
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